FAQ: How Real ID will affect you CNET News.comThe Real ID Act would establish what amounts to a national identity card. ... National Identity Card? egrit1776 Dec 23, 2006, 6:37 PM PST ...
news.com.com/FAQ+How+Real+ID+will+affect+you/2100-1028_3-5697111.html - 55k - Jun 15, 2007 - Cached - Similar pages

National ID cards on the way? CNET News.comNational ID cards on the way? Recent congressional vote on standardized, electronically readable driver's licenses raises fears about imminence of ...
news.com.com/National+ID+cards+on+the+way/2100-1028_3-5573414.html - 55k - Jun 15, 2007 - Cached - Similar pages

EPIC - National ID and REAL ID ActNational ID cards have long been advocated as a means to enhance national ... The REAL ID Act of 2005 creates a de facto national identification card. ...
www.epic.org/privacy/id_cards/ - 214k - Cached - Similar pages

IDENTITY CARDSIn the United Kingdom, current proposals for a national ID card are fuelled ... Even countries such as France and Germany have no national ID card register. ...
www.privacy.org/pi/activities/idcard/idcard_faq.html - 44k - Cached - Similar pages

Privacy International - National ID CardsAs part of the new site, PI has released a new FAQ on the National ID card and a guide to responding to the consultation document along with historical ...
www.privacy.org/pi/activities/idcard/ - 27k - Cached - Similar pages

The National ID Card That Isn't, Yet TIMEThe Department of Transportation takes the back door and starts linking state driver's licenses. Are 50 national ID cards any better than one?
www.time.com/time/nation/article/0,8599,191857,00.html - 32k - Cached - Similar pages

British national identity card - Wikipedia, the free encyclopediaEnabling legislation for the British national identity card was passed under the Identity Cards Act 2006 [1]. The multi-billion pound scheme [2] has yet to ...
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/British_national_identity_card - 80k - Cached - Similar pages

Identity document - Wikipedia, the free encyclopediaEverybody in Spain over 14 must have a National Identity Card issued by National .... Since the early 1950s there has been no national identity card in the ...
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Identity_card - 60k - Cached - Similar pages

Op Ed: A National ID Card Wouldn't Make Us SaferAs a security technologist, I regularly encounter people who say the United States should adopt a national ID card. How could such a program not make us ...
www.schneier.com/essay-034.html - 9k - Cached - Similar pages

National Identification SystemsWith hindsight, the obvious flaw was not the lack of a national ID card, but a lack of attentive police and intelligence work. ...
www.eff.org/Privacy/Surveillance/nationalidsystem.html

http://www.keyghost.com/
Pre war Caral Civilization Peru

http://www.google.com/search?hl=en&newwindow=1&safe=off&sa=X&oi=spell&resnum=0&ct=result&cd=1&q=pre+war+Caral+Civilization+Peru
pre war Caral Civilization Peru

http://search.ancestry.com/
cgibin/sse.dllrank=0&gsfn=charles&gsln=Mingus+I&sx=&rg_f46__date=&rs_f46__date=0&f14=&f72=&f74=&f97=&f70=&f24=&rg_f86_
_date=&rs_f86__date=0&gskw=&prox=1&db=nypl&ti=0&ti.si=0&gl=&gss=rfs&gst=&so=3
Caral :
The oldest city in the New World is located in Peru
 

The ancient city of Caral located in the north of Lima, Supe Valley, is considered as the oldest city in the western Hemisphere. Radiocarbon dates show that monumental architecture there was under construction as early as 2627 BC and until about 2000 BC, in other words 4700 years old, contemporary with pyramids in Egypt and the ziggurats of Mesopotamia.

Other sites as old as Caral, do not approach the enormous size of Caral, (165 acres) and scope its architecture, The city has 6 large platforms mounds (pyramids), many small platforms, two sunken circular plazas and diverse architectural features including densely packed residences. (See map of location)

Interesting points :

Peruvian archaeologist Ruth Shady thinks that Caral is a candidate to be the “mother city” in the Americas. This means that people moved from small family units to build cities of thousands of people.
Archaeologists think that construction seems to be associated with the advent of irrigation agriculture in the Supe Valley.
The ancient inhabitants of Caral expanded up river from the coast, developed agriculture (beans, sweet potatoes, chili, cotton, pacay and guayaba ) to support the growing population.
Fish bones have been found and that revels that the civilization depended on fishing as well.
Caral appears as the model for the urban design adopted by the Inca and the ancient pre Inca civilizations like Chavin, Moche, Lima, Wari, Chimu and others.
Its strategic location allowed trade with other close valleys in the Coast and the Andes. The trade generates a dynamic economic process and savings making this city more powerful.
In Caral there is not evidence of war: no weapons, not mutilated bodies.
It had a theocratic government managed by priest and Scientifics who were in charged of the ceremonies, astronomical investigation and prepare calendars to organize the activities of the inhabitants.
In one of the pyramids archaeologist found beautiful flutes made of condor and pelican bones.
The constructions happened before ceramics and maize were introduced in thPre war Caral Civilization Peru

pre war Caral Civilization Perue area !

Caral :
The oldest city in the New World is located in Peru
 

CORPORETUNITY1

http://www.common-place.org/vol-04/no-04/author/

www.common-place.org · vol. 4 · no. 4 · July 2004

Common-place asks David Waldstreicher, professor of history at Temple University
and the author of Runaway America: Benjamin Franklin, Slavery, and the American
Revolution (New York, 2004), whether Franklin deserves his reputation as the
nation’s antislavery founder.
 

David Waldstreicher
Benjamin Franklin, Slavery, and the Founders
On the dangers of reading backwards

Alan Taylor has remarked upon a certain trend in the recent profusion of books on the
Founders. As the reputations of some, like John Adams, are raised, others are condemned.
 History becomes a parody of Wall Street: a bull market for Hamilton means it is time to
 sell your stock in Thomas Jefferson.

When the controversial matter of slavery in the nation’s past is added to the mix, the
results can be still more dubious. Recently we have seen the emergence of Benjamin Franklin,
 champion of freedom, and opponent of all forms of slavery. Or rather the reemergence,
since this view was first advanced by the aging Franklin himself, spread vigorously by
nineteenth-century abolitionists eager to ennoble their struggle by associating it with
the Revolution, and kept alive by progressive and African American scholars, such as
W. E. B. DuBois, in the early twentieth century.

It is harder to see Franklin as part of an antislavery vanguard either before or after
Independence when we realize how much he was responding to the initiatives of others,
for other purposes.
Oddly enough, the antislavery Franklin is claimed not only by both sides of the slavery-
and-the-Founders debate, but also by those who, wisely enough, try to mediate between them.
 Joseph J. Ellis, for example, emphasized the bad faith of Thomas Jefferson and James Madison
 on slavery only to hold up Franklin’s antislavery credentials—his presidency of the Pennsylvania
Abolition Society in 1787 and his prominent signature on a petition presented to the first Federal
 Congress—as the jewel in the Founders’ crown. Meanwhile, the most forthright recent critic of the
 Founders on the slavery question justified his harsh judgment of Jefferson in light of the fact
 that Franklin "believed in racial equality." A prominent scholar of race and the law in U.S.
history argued, in an op-ed piece, against the erasure of history involved in a New Orleans school’s
 decision to give up the name of George Washington because he owned slaves. It is important to
remember, she wrote, that Washington had a better record on slavery than Jefferson, adding that
"some contemporaries of Washington like Benjamin Franklin and John Quincy Adams were against slavery
 and did not own slaves."

When the views of Franklin of the 1780s, Washington of the 1790s, and John Quincy Adams of the 1830s
are all conflated to oppose a timeless Jefferson on the question of slavery, the notion of Founders
and foundings departs history and enters the realm of myth. Certainly the notion of a founding
"generation" means very little if it stretches the entire fifty-nine years from the Declaration of
Independence to the Amistad case. And, in what seems a curious sort of founding grandfather complex,
 what matters most is what great men did in their old age when they were already known to be great.

Beneath the mythologizing, however, the story of Franklin and slavery is considerably more complex.
 Indeed, one could argue that Jefferson did more to undermine slavery during the era of the American
 Revolution than did Franklin. While the Pennsylvanian was busy blaming the British for slavery, the
 Virginian pushed for the end of the international slave trade and gradual emancipation in Virginia
and almost succeeded in closing the Northwest territories to slave owners. Insofar as they acted as
contemporaries, Franklin and Jefferson converged in the writing of the original draft Declaration,
with its simultaneous indictment of slavery, blame of England, and outrage at the king’s enlistment
 of slaves.

Events after 1776, of course, do matter, as do the final acts of great lives. Franklin lived just
 long enough for his slaves to run away and die off, and for antislavery to become politically safe
 in his home state. By 1776, indeed, Franklin had become the point man defending the American
patriots against accusations like those of Dr. Johnson, who asked pointedly, "How is it that we hear
 the loudest yelps for liberty among the drivers of negroes?" Franklin could hardly afford not to
seem at least theoretically antislavery when he went to France and sought to depict the new United
 States as a land of freedom, charming the philosophes who were straining at the restrictions of the
 old regime. He did not so much experience a sea change in his attitudes as he managed to deflect the
 blame, deflecting criticisms of the Americans as slavemongers into a critique of colonialism British
 style, establishing a common ground in favor of liberty—and the American cause.

It is harder to see Franklin as part of an antislavery vanguard either before or after Independence
 when we realize how much he was responding to the initiatives of others, for other purposes. In this,
 actually, he was quite consistent. Antislavery gained real, if minority, support long before the
 Declaration of Independence or even the Stamp Act protests. In the colonies, it became a public issue
 during Franklin’s youth in Boston in the first quarter of the eighteenth century, and during his
young adulthood in Philadelphia in the following decade. By the 1760s, Franklin’s contemporaries at
home and in England and France were well aware of the similarities between colonists’ claims to liberty
 and those made by and on behalf of slaves. The slavery issue itself became inseparable from the debate
 over the governance, and liberties, of the American colonists. The American revolutionists and their
 leaders—most notably, Benjamin Franklin—often worked to stave off criticisms of the institution, for
 they rightly perceived criticism of slavery as attacks on themselves, their way of life, and their
campaigns for freedom.

Franklin’s antislavery credentials have been, at the very least, remembered backwards. At most, they
have been greatly exaggerated. His debt to slavery, and his early, persistent engagement with
controversies surrounding slaves, have been largely ignored. He profited from the domestic and
international slave trade, complained about the ease with which slaves and servants ran off to the
British army during the colonial wars of the 1740s and 1750s, and staunchly defended slaveholding rebels
 during the Revolution. He owned a series of slaves between about 1735 and 1781 and never systematically
 divested himself of them. After 1731 he wrote publicly and regularly on the topics of slavery and racial
 identity but almost never in a straightforwardly antislavery or antiracist fashion. He declined to bring
 the matter of slavery to the Constitutional Convention of 1787 when asked to do so by the abolition
society he served as president.

There are enough smoking guns, to be sure, to condemn Franklin as a hypocrite, Jefferson style, if
 one wishes to do so. But would another round of condemnation tell us what we need to know about the
 relationship of slavery to this country’s founding? We might ask, in other words, whether these debates
 about the relative virtues of Founders are doing anything besides increasing our obsession with the
 Founders and their personal traits. The very question has its biases toward smoking guns, moral
judgments, individuals, and their last words. "Character" is said to explain Jefferson’s flaws, why
 his deeds did not match up to his words; we can proceed by celebrating Washington instead, even though
 Washington the politician did far less to challenge slavery than Jefferson. The problem, in other words,
 is as much in how we approach the past as in the facts themselves.

Neither defense, condemnation, nor the rating of different founders according to their "character" gets
 us very far in understanding the paradox of liberty and slavery in America. The most telling aspect of
 Franklin’s engagement with the problem of slavery is its continuous presence in his life, thought,
and politics. This was inevitable given slavery’s importance in his world. Franklin was too much of
 an entrepreneur, too interested in his changing society, and too much of a statesman not to repeatedly
 deal with the problem of slavery. Franklin’s remarkable creativity, and his central role in crafting
 the stories that explained America and Americans, also made a tremendous difference. He had a talent
 for being present at precisely those moments when slavery was being challenged—and a knack for
eloquently finessing the issue.

Franklin’s importance to the history of slavery may lie less in his contribution to antislavery after
 1787 than in his earlier mediation of slavery, freedom, and revolution. It took a Pennsylvanian, a
printer, a cosmopolitan, a slaveholder with doubts about slavery, to explain the paradox of American
 slavery and American freedom to a skeptical world—and to America itself. The American Revolution may
 have pushed some Americans, like Franklin, toward a more explicit opposition to slavery. But it only
did so after giving Americans the cultural tools of denial and forgetting, not to mention the political
 wherewithal to resist a national and international attack on the institution. Franklin, in other words,
 was a champion of freedom, but also the author of our greatest myths. We need to remember what Franklin
 helped Americans to forget, how he did so, and why.

Does such treatment knock Franklin off his deserved pedestal? Or does it rather restore some measure of
 reality, not to mention humanity, to his fascinating and important life? The problem of slavery touched
Franklin to so significant an extent that its investigation actually permits, rather than prevents, a
deeper appreciation of the man and the revolution he led.

Discuss this and other articles in the Common-place Coffeeshop

Copyright © 2000-2006 Common-place The Interactive Journal of Early American Life, Inc., all rights reserved
Why a Common Place? Previous Issues Editorial Board Terms of Use

ministry wach

http://www.cafepress.com/
http://stevegilliard.blogspot.com/2005_12_01_archive.html

Five Mandela’s
http://www.cafepress.com/bluegreenred
http://www.x-tremegeek.com/templates/searchdetail.asp?productID=12213

Replace the incandescent bulb found in your C- or D-sized Mag-Lite flashlight with
this single LED lamp... and extend your battery life by up to 120 hours! The bulb
is compatible with 2- to 6-battery models and is rated for 100,000 hours of
continuous use.
http://www.x-tremegeek.com/templates/searchdetail.asp?productID=11790&return=9822&core_cross=SEARCH_DETAIL_CUSTOMER

http://www.x-tremegeek.com/templates/searchdetail.asp?productID=12213
http://www.ahiddenplace.co.uk/twindatastream/poster.htm
=======================
http://erlenda.blogspot.com/2005/02/memory-and-mind-control.html

Roz Kelly
Guest Roles On:
Fantasy Island (1982)
Charlie's Angels (1979)
The Dukes of Hazzard (1979)
The Love Boat (1978)
Baretta (1978)
Kojak (1978)
Happy Days (1976)
Starsky and Hutch (1975)

WHATEVER BECAME OF Scoey Mitchel Franklin Aji
http://images.google.com/images?um=1&tab=wi&hl=en&rlz=1T4DMUS_enUS215US215&q=Scoey%20Mitchell%20

vip juxtapoze with war pix
http://mywebpages.comcast.net/matchgame/3X5Picturesj-m.html
http://mywebpages.comcast.net/matchgame/3X5Picturesj-m.html
http://www.tvparty.com/lostny2justfun.html

http://erlenda.blogspot.com/2005/02/memory-and-mind-control.html
http://images.google.com/images?um=1&tab=wi&hl=en&q=loudcitizen.com
 http://www.jacksonville.com/tu-online/stories/121800/met_4910414.html
http://kropf.us/
http://members.tripod.com/~GOPcapitalist/floridaelection.html 
http://www.google.com/search?hl=en&q=loudcitizen.com&btnG=Google+Search

http://ampal.blogspot.com/
American Palestinian New Generation
From the perspective of a Jerusalem-born and raised Christian Arab

========================
http://home.att.net/~freebizak/Rivileers/rivileers.html
========================